Opinion: Bolstering Colombian democracy

President Bush's proposal to deepen U.S. military involvement in Colombia's civil war at least forces an honest debate over U.S. policy. Until now, the American intervention in Colombia has been characterized as an effort to eradicate drugs, not the leftist rebels who have been battling the government for years. Bush's proposal to have American forces train and equip Colombian government troops who guard a U.S.-operated oil pipeline reveals the administration's broader interests.

The proposal also would broaden U.S. risks in the region. Aside from the dangers it poses for U.S troops, the strategy would dampen hopes for a political settlement of Colombia's civil war, work against democratic reform and present the rebels with a public relations coup. With so many other priorities in a global war against terrorism, escalating our military involvement becomes even more difficult to justify.

The administration wants $98-million from Congress next year to pay for helicopters, communications equipment and training for Colombian troops guarding the Cano Limon pipeline. The 500-mile line is jointly operated by Colombia's state oil company and the U.S. oil giant Occidental Petroleum. Having the United States train soldiers for such a mission would give visual aid to the rebels' view that we are there to exploit Colombia's resources. This perception is not one Washington should spread, especially with the conflict bogged down in a military stalemate.

Having American forces play a more direct security role would dramatically change the political dynamics in Colombia. The mission of the drug eradication effort already was vague enough. But the benefit of reducing the spread of drugs and denying paramilitaries and rebels a cash crop to fuel the war was at least defensible in broad terms. Changing gears to protect the oil supply would put Washington much more firmly on the government's side. It also lays a foundation that could lead to further escalation of the U.S. military mission. Our ambassador to Colombia said as much, pointing out in a newspaper interview over the weekend that Colombia has more than 300 sites of strategic value to the United States. Guarding that pipe is only a start.

Switching our emphasis from counter-drugs to counterinsurgency also would ease the pressure on Colombia's government to strengthen the nation's civil institutions and improve human rights. Defeating the rebels militarily would become the prime, and joint, U.S.-Colombian goal. The main rebel group, the 18,000-strong FARC, has launched bloody attacks in recent weeks, and the increasing use of urban targets has created pressure on the government to respond.

But bolstering ties to Colombia's security services will strengthen the paramilitaries. Our goal should be a political settlement that bolsters Colombian democracy. Our strategy should drive all sides toward, not away from, the bargaining table. Sept. 11 made Americans more willing to confront risk, at home and abroad. But Washington should make a distinction between global terror and the conditions of a conflict 40 years old.

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