Does campaign finance reform level field, or confuse it?

The rationale behind the restrictions was to limit the influence of big donors. But state and local parties may be caught in the cross-fire.

It used to be simple. An election approached, and local Democratic and Republican parties ran phone banks, pounded doors, and sent mailings urging people to vote for their party slate.

But across Florida this year, party officials are fretting that it may require teams of accountants and lawyers to keep them from breaking the law doing what used to be routine. Campaign finance reforms stand to shake up Florida's political system and already are leaving veteran politicos flummoxed about how to deal with them.

"My operations with respect to the presidential campaign and almost everything else we do are now frozen on hold. I'm not doing anything until I get some explanations," said Orange County GOP Chairman Lew Oliver, an attorney who has carefully examined the new requirements and potential repercussions.

"I guarantee everybody involved in the political process on both sides of the aisle is going to be a criminal," he said, predicting rampant violations of the complex new law.

Much of the national attention on the 2002 law widely known as McCain-Feingold has focused on its effect on the national parties, which no longer can accept unlimited "soft money" contributions. But the law also includes new restrictions and requirements that apply to state and local party committees.

What if a county party chairman finds a benefactor willing to write a check to the local party? Then the chairman better quiz that donor about other political contributions. Otherwise the donor could wind up violating the new federal law, which caps the total amount they can give to assorted political organizations.

Are local volunteers phoning voters to urge their support for a presidential candidate as well as local candidates? Then the local party better keep careful tabs on how much time those volunteers spend talking up the presidential candidates, and either bill the presidential campaign for part of the phone bank expense or report it as a contribution.

The sweeping 2002 campaign finance reforms were aimed at curbing the flow of unlimited campaign contributions to and from the national parties. They also include a host of restrictions on how state and local political committees can participate in federal campaign activity.

But with basic activities like mobilizing voters, the lines between federal activity and state and local political efforts can be blurry. Party officials have scant legal precedence or experience to guide them, even as they face the prospect of civil or criminal penalties for violations.

Interviews with state and local party officials suggest Florida Republicans are much more aware of the new campaign finance requirements than Democrats - and more alarmed by their implications.

"The compliance angle alone is going to be horrendous," said Geoffrey Becker, executive director of the state Republican Party. "Basically, we have to change our whole structure."

That's because the state parties that used to raise millions of dollars to spend on a broad array of voter mobilization efforts now must carefully separate federal fundraising and spending from nonfederal campaign fundraising and spending. What's more, they must rely on smaller donations for their federal campaign activity and generally won't be able to use any corporate donations for activities that help federal candidates.

The state parties can still receive unlimited individual contributions, but can accept no more than $10,000 per donor to use on federal campaign activity. Already, the state GOP is paying Becker and party chairwoman Carole Jean Jordan out of its federal campaign account, because the law requires any staffers spending at least 25 percent of their time on federal political activity to be paid with federal money.

Democratic Party Chairman Scott Maddox said he will keep tabs on his time and start relying more on federal campaign money for party activities when it becomes necessary.

"It's a new law and very complicated so nobody quite knows how to comply, but we're going to do the best we can," Maddox said.

Becker of the GOP is dubious: "I challenge them to show me how they're going to do this, because they simply don't raise that kind of federal money."

Federal campaign reports showed the Florida Democratic Party had about $42,000 in its federal account as of Dec. 31, compared with nearly $650,000 for the Florida Republican Party.

Edwin Bender, executive director of the Institute on Money in State Politics, said it's unclear how strictly the law will be enforced. But he predicted varying troubles nationwide as states with different campaign finance laws grapple with the new federal rules.

"You're going to have some serious implementation issues coming up, and you're going (to see) some controversies and it will be different in every state," Bender said.

In Florida a number of local Republican parties, including in Pinellas, are looking at creating their own federal campaign accounts this year. Others want the state party to handle federal campaign activity.

"At the county level, which is really the core of the grass roots effort, it's almost like you can't have amateur leadership anymore. Now all of a sudden to be in leadership you almost have to be a CPA or a lawyer," lamented Pinellas Republican Chairman Paul Bedinghaus, an accountant.

In Orange County, Republican Chairman Oliver grumbled about the same thing.

"I am one of the few Republicans who supported McCain-Feingold. I now think anybody associated with it should be dragged out and hung by the neck until they are dead," Oliver said, chuckling. "It's incomprehensible."

- Adam C. Smith can be reached at adam@sptimes.com or 727 893-8241.

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Election 2004

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