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Letter to the editor

Mistrust stole Bolivia's shot at reform

By DAVID ADAMS
Published November 26, 2004

MIAMI - Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada still has a hard time believing what happened to him.

The former president of Bolivia was once considered one of Latin America's most progressive heads of state. But he was ignominiously forced to resign and flee the country in October 2003 during violent street protests against his rule.

His overthrow still hurts. But a year later, "Goni," as he is universally known, is philosophical about it.

"When something as traumatic happens to you as happened to me, there's one lesson you have to learn," he said, over an outdoor lunch by the Miami River. "First, it's not all my fault. And two, it's not everybody else's fault, either. It's some place in between."

When populations rise up to throw out a president in Latin America, it's usually well-deserved. Too many heads of state have been caught with their hands in the cookie jar or were responsible for bloody acts of repression.

But it's hard to feel that way about Goni, a thoughtful, 74-year-old democrat who is still widely respected in international political circles. These days, it seems, even the good guys fall foul of their electorate.

His ouster holds some salutary lessons about the social and economic breakdown in parts of Latin America. Political stability in Latin America is vital to U.S. commerce. Exports to Latin America last year accounted for about one-half of Florida's outbound trade, and one-seventh of all goods leaving the United States.

Academics call this modern trend in Latin American politics the "ungovernability of democracies." Governments of poor countries in the hemisphere are increasingly unable to cope with popular pressures.

International lending institutions are demanding fiscal responsibility: raising taxes and cutting domestic spending. On the other hand, grass roots popular movements are rejecting these so-called neoliberal economic measures, saying they serve the interests of only a minority business elite. Democracy, they argue, should mean offering more to the poor who make up the vast majority.

In Bolivia's case, Sanchez de Lozada was caught in the middle. Though he has been accused in his own country of responsibility for ordering troops to put down the bloody uprising, most experts say he was a victim of circumstances mostly beyond his control.

"He had no option," said Jorge Nef, director of Latin American and Caribbean Studies at the University of South Florida. "That is the straightjacket that exists in this region."

Bolivia's impoverished indigenous population makes up two-thirds of the country's inhabitants. They harbor deep historical grievances dating to Spanish colonial rule.

Sanchez de Lozada thought he had the answer. He had already set the stage by passing a series of key political reforms during a previous term as president in the 1990s. These included broadening access to health and education for the indigenous masses.

In his second term he planned to open the country's enormous reserves of natural gas to foreign companies. It promised to reap tremendous economic rewards: $21-billion over 20 years.

"We were going to cover the entire budget deficit and balance of payments in five years," he said, with a tone of nostalgia.

But the reaction of indigenous leaders caught him by surprise. After decades of political marginalization, they didn't trust the government to use the money fairly. They were also angered by the war on drugs led by the United States and the social effects of forced eradication of drug crops. The coca leaf is part of traditional indigenous culture and is often the only source of livelihood for poor farmers.

Instead, an alliance of coca farmers and peasant groups mounted a violent campaign against the government, demanding the gas sector be nationalized.

With his government in trouble, Sanchez de Lozada visited Washington in November 2002 seeking $150-million in loans to ride out the crisis. "I paralyzed the government for three days," he jokes. He was shuttled to meetings with President Bush at the White House, Vice President Dick Cheney, national security adviser Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of State Colin Powell.

On each occasion he delivered his message that Bolivia could be a major supplier of hydrocarbons. But he needed help. "I told them, "Help us. Help us to build a bridge over troubled waters.' "

At the meeting with Bush he recalls plenty of kind words. "President Bush told me, "We have confidence in you. I know you will survive.' "

But all he got was $10-million. Less than a year later he was out of power.

"The tragedy of Bolivia is that we were one step away from the fruits of reform," said Sanchez de Lozada. "We lost that moment."

Despite his rueful reminiscing, Sanchez de Lozada has not given up on his homeland altogether. As the world's energy resources become scarcer - and costlier - he hopes that Bolivia's natural gas deposits eventually will be tapped.

But for that to happen, Washington will have to shift its attention. He offers some parting advice for U.S. policymakers: "It's a lot easier to handle Latin America than the Middle East."

David Adams can be contacted at adams@sptimes.com

[Last modified November 25, 2004, 23:20:23]