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As leader meets Bush, 'Plan Colombia' on table

By DAVID ADAMS
Published August 4, 2005

MIAMI - Only special visitors are received at President Bush's ranch in Crawford, Texas.

So today's visit by Colombian President Alvaro Uribe is all the more significant.

Their meeting comes at a critical moment in U.S. support for the drug war in Colombia. Before Sept. 11, "Plan Colombia" was one of the United States' largest overseas aid programs. Events in Afghanistan and Iraq have pushed Colombia down the agenda.

Even so, now in its fifth year, Plan Colombia has eaten up $4 billion in U.S. taxpayers' money, making it the largest U.S. aid effort outside of the Middle East.

This year the Bush administration is asking for another $742 million for Colombia. Every year the debate is marked by controversy over Colombia's human rights record. Never more so than this year, as Colombia is seeking U.S. support for a controversial demobilization plan for the country's paramilitary forces. These illegal militias are responsible for some of the most heinous crimes in a conflict that has come close to rivalling the Balkans for sheer barbarity.

Uribe has worked harder than any previous Colombian president to end the country's drug-fueled conflict. His policies have sharply reduced homicide rates in Colombia's major cities. Kidnapping, a favorite tactic of left-wing guerrillas, has dropped. The military has become more professional. But it's dangerous to get too excited about progress in Colombia. Witness the recent surge in guerrilla attacks by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia in the southern province of Putumayo, a primary target of Plan Colombia aid money in the early years.

Despite U.S. funding for massive aerial fumigation of coca crops used to process cocaine, drug production in Colombia stubbornly refuses to go down.

Colombia is now asking for help to demobilize up to 20,000 fighters from the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, the main paramilitary umbrella organization. It is a major drug trafficker, and is on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations.

The demobilization process could cost $160 million. That would cover educational and employment benefits for former combatants and reparations for the victims of paramilitary massacres.

Uribe is likely to ask the United States to contribute up to $80 million. Colombia watchers are concerned that the demobilization plan is too soft. Many of the worst human rights and drug offenders may get off virtually scot-free. "The way it's set up there's no way it could result in anything other than impunity," says Winifred Tate, a Colombia expert at the Center for International Policy.

Maximum sentences are set at five to eight years, with reductions for good behavior and time served. Confessions are not required, and there is no penalty for lying about the past.

Prosecutors have only 60 days to investigate and file charges before an individual's name is cleared. Only 20 prosecutors are assigned for thousands of cases.

Human rights advocates fear that the process will only contribute to covering up paramilitary crimes. A report this week by the U.S. group Human Rights Watch found that disarmed fighters are not being asked for specific information about abuses when they are demobilized. The report also found that demobbed fighters are not closely monitored.

The report adds that so far only 25 of the 6,000 militia members who have disarmed were detained or charged with crimes. Some commanders have sought to launder drug assets before turning in their guns.

Colombian law also considers membership in paramilitary groups a political crime, potentially shielding paramilitary drug traffickers from extradition to the United States.

Critics say the verification of disarmament is so weak Colombian officials are doing little more than taking down names on a list. How much cross-checking is being done isn't clear. Colombia doesn't have a fully computerized justice system. After years spent in clandestine activity, many paramilitaries have multiple ID cards.

Colombian officials defend the program, saying it is a unique opportunity to disarm an entire illegal army. If successful, this could lead to future negotiations with the larger army of the Revolutionary Armed Forces.

But elections are looming in Colombia in May. Uribe is seeking re-election and is looking for a boost to his campaign.

The U.S. Senate has made some useful suggestions. Chief among these are provisions that Colombia not prohibit extraditions, and that paramilitary members be fully investigated for alleged crimes. Paramilitary commanders should also be required to confess to past abuses and hand over their ill-gotten assets.

Uribe deserves the red carpet treatment in Crawford. At the same time, Congress is right to demand better guarantees that the public's money is being well spent.

[Last modified August 4, 2005, 01:06:05]